How should we read CIVICUS's work?

Today, CIVICUS is a global civil society alliance with more than 8,500 members in more than 175 countries and closely monitors civil society activism around the world. Andrew Firmin, editor-in-chief of CIVICUS, and Inés M. Pousadela, senior research specialist, have written a preview of 2025 as we end 2024. I have also published Civil Society Trends in 2025: Key Challenges and Prospects, I will try to summarise the trends identified by the duo and interpret each trend in the light of current developments. In doing so, I will refer to the findings in The Economist ‘The World Ahead 2024 - 25’ as appropriate.

In their study, Firmin and Pousadela list nine challenges for the field of civil society and remind us of the hope against these challenges, namely civil society's determination to struggle. Firstly, let us put these challenges in front of us as a list. 

• Conflicts and impunity
• Second Trump administration
• Climate crisis
• Economic struggles
• Elections and authoritarianism
• Artificial intelligence and technology
• Migration and displacement
• Coup against rights
• Restricted civic space

The counterpoint to these nine challenges is civil society's unwavering commitment and struggle for justice and equality.
If I start by saying at the beginning what I will say at the end of the article, the two have made almost spot-on assessments in the light of current developments! Let us now turn to these challenges and assessments...

Conflict and impunity

Firmin and Poudesela argue that the current conflicts will continue, leading to humanitarian crises, mass displacement and trauma. Stating that it is unlikely that perpetrators will face accountability in conflicts involving Israel and Russia, the authors say that ceasefires or solutions may emerge, but justice will continue to be difficult to achieve.

The authors say that the use of artificial intelligence in warfare also raises new concerns and emphasise that this issue requires urgent regulation. He reminds that conflicts that stop with ceasefires can be reignited due to shifting geopolitical interests and calls for rapid interventions from civil society. 

Crimes against humanity 

Let us remind this title with what is happening in Palestine. Five days before Donald Trump, who won the US elections again, took office as the US president on 20 January 2025, a ceasefire was signed between Hamas and Israel. This was followed by a hostage swap and the return of Palestinians from Gaza.

According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), more than 45,000 people were killed and more than 100,000 injured in the Israeli attacks, which have been described as genocidal by UN Special Rapporteurs, including the UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, Francesca Albanese. 

During these events, the International Criminal Court (ICC) requested the arrest of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, but the State of Israel objected to the request, stating that both names were within its jurisdiction. In response, the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I rejected the State of Israel's objection to its jurisdiction and formally issued an arrest warrant against Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Belgium, the Netherlands, Ireland, Lithuania, Slovenia, Slovenia and Spain stated that they would comply with the ICC's arrest warrant, while France, Germany and Italy expressed negative views on the issue. The G7 countries have not yet adopted a common stance. On the other hand, ICC Chief Prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan KC had requested the arrest of Hamas leaders Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Diab Ibrahim Al-Masri (also known as DEIF) and Ismail Haniyeh. However, as is well known, Israel killed these three leaders in special strikes. As a result, there is currently complete impunity for what happened in Gaza. Trump's proposal to deport Palestinians in Gaza and send them to other Arab countries was added to all these developments, while UN Secretary-General António Guterres described this proposal as ‘ethnic cleansing’ and found it unacceptable. 

From Palestine to Syria

The impunity in Gaza also applies to the conflict in Syria.  The conflict in Syria since 2011 has displaced 13.4 million people as of 2025. While 7.2 million of these people were internally displaced, 6.2 million people had to flee to other countries as refugees or asylum seekers. According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, an estimated 306,887 civilians had been killed in the Syrian conflict as of 2022. However, recent statements show that new deaths have been added to these deaths. 

On 8 December 2024, the Syrian capital Damascus was captured by the forces of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (Hayat Tahrir al-Sham) with almost no resistance, while the former Syrian president Bashar al-Assad fled Syria and sought refuge in Russia. Therefore, a new era has begun in Syria. While experts state that it is difficult for Bashar al-Assad to go to a country other than Russia due to the accusations against him and the risk of prosecution, this situation creates both a state of entrapment and impunity for Bashar al-Assad. On the other hand, what to do about the violations committed by HTS and other opposition groups is currently a mystery...

However, it is worth mentioning that an Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic has already been established within the UN Human Rights Council and is continuing its work. However, it will be clear in the coming days what kind of results will be achieved. Recently, there have been serious allegations that massacres have been carried out against the Alevi communities in Syria and that these massacres were carried out for revenge. 

The developments in Syria have a profound impact on domestic politics in Turkey. In fact, it is generally accepted that the developments in Syria are the main reason for Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chairman Devlet Bahçeli's statement on 22 October 2024 that PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan could apply for the ‘right to hope’ on condition that he disband the organisation. 

What will happen in Ukraine?

We can easily say that the Russian-Ukrainian war, which started in February 2022 with Russia's attacks to occupy Ukrainian territory, traumatised not only these two countries, but Europe as a whole. According to the November 2024 data of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 12,162 civilians, including 659 children, were killed between 22 February 2022 and November 2024. In addition, 26 thousand 919 civilians were injured. New ones are being added to the dead and wounded. 

The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU), which took office in Ukraine in 2014, is currently focussing its attention on the war. While the EU took a clear stance in favour of Ukraine against Russia, the Council of Europe expelled Russia from the Council of Europe in 2022 and sided with Ukraine. 

The US, on the other hand, supported Ukraine until the Trump administration, but it is highly likely that Trump has a plan to end the war and will intervene in the process with his second term in the US presidency. It is rumoured that Trump will put his plan into effect in mid-February 2025. However, there is no information and no hope as to whether a possible investigation will be opened against what happened in the Ukraine-Russia war. In this regard, it will probably proceed with impunity. 

Artificial intelligence discussions are gaining a new dimension with wars

As if all these conflicts were not enough, the destructive power of artificial intelligence-supported weapons has also entered our lives. We will return to the impact of AI on civil society below. However, there are 7 main risks about the impact of autonomous weapons using artificial intelligence on conflicts.

The first of these is the unpredictability of AI-supported weapons, the second is the risk of accidental and rapid escalation of conflicts given their speed and scale, the third is the risk of rapid spread by falling into the hands of unstable countries, oppressive dictators and warlords with the advantage of low cost, and the fourth is that they reduce the barriers to conflict due to their cost, Fifthly, the use of micro drones (Slaughterbots), which are described as slaughter robots and have the ability to open fire on their own, as weapons of mass destruction, sixthly, their use as an assassination weapon against selected targets or groups - especially autonomous weapons using artificial intelligence, which have disproportionate potential effects on race and gender, brings new challenges to advocacy civil society organisations. Civil society actors engaged in rights advocacy are among these targets - and last but not least, the AI arms race... The world may soon face a race to produce AI soldiers in the same way as the nuclear weapons of the Cold War era. This situation seems extremely risky, as there is currently no agreed ethical understanding and legal limitations. 

Given all this, the state of impunity for those responsible for conflicts and the use of artificial intelligence in conflicts may lead to the emergence of new wars and conflicts or the re-ignition of those that have stabilised through ceasefires. This could lead to increased demands on civil society, both in relation to humanitarian assistance and fundamental rights and freedoms. Increased demands on civil society will occur within constrained civilian environments.  It is clear that the Trump administration will contribute to these restrictions. 

Second Trump Administration

In the article, Firmin and Poudesela say of a second Trump administration: ‘A new US presidency could reshape global dynamics, weaken responses to the climate crisis, reduce civil society funding and embolden nationalist movements. Civic spaces based on freedom of assembly and expression could face increasing threats.’

We didn't have to wait long to see whether the duo's second observation would be realised, but let's talk about Elon Musk first. 

Elon Musk, who publicly supported Trump's election campaign and donated more than 250 million dollars, was on the stage during the election campaigns as well as afterwards. During Trump's election, Elon Musk's Hitler salute, in which he said, ‘My heart is with you,’ became the talk of the town, and Elon Musk was identified with Nazism. While his meeting with the neo-Nazi organisation AfD (Alternative for Germany - Alternative für Deutschland), which came out stronger from the state elections in Germany, reinforced the views in this direction, it was noted that Tesla sales, which he owns, fell rapidly in Germany and France. Elon Musk was always in the loop during Trump's decree to halt USAID aid for 90 days and then his decision to close USAID altogether. 

The US Agency for International Development (USAID) as an irony of history

Elon Musk used the words ‘USAID was a nest of vipers of radical leftist Marxists who hated America’ about the USAID programme from his official account on X. Even Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban stepped in on this issue. In a message posted on his X account, Orban stated that during the Biden administration, USAID supported the Brussels-based Politico, which labelled him ‘subversive of the year’, and the leftist media in Hungary, and wrote that ‘the world owes a lot to Donald Trump for exposing this dark conspiracy’. 

So Orban writes, but does Musk hold back? Elon Musk quoted Victor Orban's message and wrote, ‘Anti-corruption efforts are accelerating.’ In the meantime, the Trump administration recalled USAID employees around the world to the US and announced that they were placed on administrative leave. It is an irony of history that the USAID programme, which was founded by John F. Kennedy in 1961 as an independent organisation against the Soviet Union, is now ‘accused of being radical leftist and Marxist’! 

NGOs also reacted to US President Trump's decision. CIVICUS stated that Trump's decision threatens global progress on climate, human rights and civil liberties. 

The International Rehabilitation Council for Victims of Torture stated on its social media accounts that Trump's decision has negatively affected 22 rehabilitation programmes in 18 countries in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, Latin America and the Middle East, with 4 programmes ceasing operations altogether. Human Rights Watch said Trump's decision threatens human rights on a wide scale. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) announced that they had to suspend 30 per cent of their activities following the Trump decision. 

US President Trump's decisions did not stop there. Trump first decided to withdraw from the World Health Organisation on 20 January 2025, followed on 3 February 2025 by his decision to withdraw from the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) and the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). This was followed by the decision to impose sanctions on countries that support and pledge to abide by the ICC's judgement against Israeli leaders. 

So, how should these decisions be read?

The fact that the Trump decrees are directed at UN organisations does not mean that they will not affect civil society. Indeed, the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) stated that Trump's decision to withdraw from the World Health Organisation (WHO) will negatively affect the WHO-coordinated fight for women's and children's health, nutrition and sanitation. IPPF emphasised that women, girls and LGBTI+ persons will be most negatively affected by this decision.

At this point, it is possible to easily say that Trump will sign new decrees that will challenge civil society. At this point, it is necessary to immediately add the negative effects of Trump's decisions on the environment. Although the US elections and Trump ranked second on Firmin and Poudesela's list, The Economist ranked Tom Standage first in its assessment of ‘The World Ahead 2025’. The main concern is that the ‘America First’ policy will lead to geopolitical changes and tensions. 

Elections and Authoritarianism

In their article, CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief Andrew Firmin and Senior Research Specialist Inés M. Pousadela state that elections may lead to the downfall of incumbent governments due to economic dissatisfaction and may initially benefit right-wing populists. However, prolonged rule often results in authoritarianism and increased scapegoating of marginalized groups. They also note that political manipulation of social issues—including misogyny and xenophobia—is expected to intensify.

In fact, even before Andrew Firmin and Inés M. Pousadela, Tom Standage, editor at The Economist, dedicated the first of ten key issues for 2024 to the “election wave” in the special edition The World Ahead 2024.

In 2024, elections were held in more than 70 countries worldwide. For the first time in history, over half of the world’s population voted in the same year. However, as Firmin, Pousadela, and Standage point out, these elections do not necessarily mean more democracy. Indeed, the outcomes clearly reflect this. Many elections were neither free nor fair.

A significant number of elections resulted in far-right populist parties—modern-day versions of fascism—gaining votes, entering parliaments, and challenging liberal democracies. Some even became coalition partners in Europe. Yet, elections in two European countries held particular significance: France and Germany.

In the European Union elections held from June 6–9, 2024, voters from 27 EU member states went to the polls. In France, the far-right party Rassemblement National (National Rally), led by Marine Le Pen, emerged as the leading party with approximately 32% of the vote. Following this openly anti-EU party’s victory, French President Emmanuel Macron dissolved the French Parliament and called for early elections. The first round was held on June 30, 2024, and the second on July 7, 2024. While the National Rally came first in the initial round, the left-wing alliance Nouveau Front Populaire (New Popular Front) came first in the second round. However, no party secured a majority in the French Parliament. Germany followed France in witnessing a rise in the far-right.

In Germany’s September 2024 state elections, the neo-Nazi party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) increased its share of the vote. After the Free Democratic Party (FDP) withdrew from the coalition government with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Greens, Chancellor Olaf Scholz requested a vote of confidence. However, in December 2024, he failed to secure the required votes. The coalition partners then decided to hold early elections. Pre-election polls showed that the AfD had rapidly risen to become the second-largest party in Germany. This development raised concerns not only for Germany but also for the European Parliament, as AfD’s campaign promise was Dexit—Germany’s exit from the EU. Whether AfD can carry out its Dexit plan remains to be seen. Yet, as expected, the AfD achieved major success in the February 23, 2025 elections, finishing second. This rise of the far-right in Europe threatens not only democracy, human rights, and the rule of law but also puts the future of the EU into question.

The principle of free and fair elections was not upheld

Turkey held general elections in 2023. In the parliamentary elections on May 14, 2023, the People’s Alliance—led by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP)—won the majority. No candidate secured over 50% in the presidential election held on the same day, leading to a runoff. In the second round on May 28, 2023, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the candidate of the People’s Alliance, won. An international election observation mission from the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe monitored the elections.

According to the observers, although the elections were competitive, they were not conducted under fair conditions, one of the key principles of elections. Moreover, recommendations to resolve disputes during the election process were not followed. Following the general elections, local elections were held on March 31, 2024. In these local elections, the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), achieved significant success in major metropolitan municipalities, as well as in provincial and district municipalities, particularly in Istanbul. In provinces densely populated by Kurdish citizens, the DEM Party (Party of Equality and Democracy of the Peoples) won the majority of municipalities. However, starting in June 2024, trustee (kayyum) appointments began again.

The first municipality to be appointed a trustee was Hakkâri (won by DEM). It was followed by Esenyurt in Istanbul (CHP), Mardin (DEM), Batman (DEM), Halfeti in Şanlıurfa (DEM), Tunceli/Dersim Central (DEM), Tunceli-Ovacık (CHP), Bahçesaray in Van (DEM), Akdeniz in Mersin (DEM), and finally Siirt (DEM). Thus, between June 2024 and January 2025, a total of 10 municipalities had trustees appointed.

Similar trustee appointments were made in 2019, attracting the attention of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe. The Congress, which visited Turkey, requested the Venice Commission (European Commission for Democracy through Law) to assess the legal basis of the appointments. During its visit, the Commission held meetings with the Ministry of Justice, the Constitutional Court, the Ministry of the Interior, the Supreme Election Council, major political parties represented in Parliament, and civil society representatives. In its subsequent report on the 2019 appointments, the Commission stated that replacing elected mayors with appointed ones was incompatible with democratic principles and the rule of law, offering several recommendations. However, it is hard to say that these recommendations were followed.

In addition to trustee appointments, Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu (CHP), who won a second term, has multiple investigations opened against him due to his statements. While no trustee was appointed to him, Rıza Akpolat (CHP), mayor of Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district—another CHP stronghold—was arrested on January 17, 2025, over a municipal tender. Following these developments, on February 11, 2025, Istanbul’s district municipalities began the day with a wave of detentions as part of a “terror investigation.” Detention orders were issued for deputy mayors and municipal council members in Kartal, Ataşehir, Üsküdar, Sancaktepe, Fatih, Tuzla, Adalar, Şişli, and Beyoğlu—most of them governed by the CHP—on allegations of “carrying out organizational activities under the guise of urban consensus.” The latest development involved Van Metropolitan Mayor Abdullah Zeydan. After the local elections, the Supreme Election Council (YSK) initially gave the certificate of election not to Zeydan but to the AKP candidate. Zeydan was only able to reclaim his mandate on April 3, 2024. However, on February 11, 2025, he was sentenced to 3 years and 9 months in prison for “aiding a terrorist organization” and “making propaganda for a terrorist organization via media.” This resulted in rising political tension in Van, culminating in the appointment of a trustee.

In Turkey, municipalities are the administrative bodies closest to civil society, which fosters close collaboration with civil society organizations. Therefore, practices that violate democratic principles and the rule of law in municipalities also harm civil society. Yet, it is clear that the issues affecting civil society are not limited to the five trends outlined above.

Artificial Intelligence and Technology

In the article where Inés and Pousadela evaluate the top ten civil society trends of 2025, artificial intelligence (AI) ranks sixth. They argue that developments in AI will create challenges such as increased surveillance of activists and intensified disinformation during conflicts and elections. It is emphasized that regulatory frameworks for AI lag behind technological progress, and some tech leaders align with authoritarian agendas. The article also notes that emerging social media platforms may offer alternatives, but as they grow, they may face similar issues.

AI is no longer confined to science fiction. It is increasingly becoming part of our everyday lives. While AI ranks sixth in Firmin and Pousadela’s assessment, it ranks eighth in The Economist’s "The World Ahead 2025."

Investments in data centers for AI have reached $1 trillion. However, uncertainty remains regarding how private companies will use AI and whether it is a viable investment tool. While advancements in AI present opportunities and conveniences for civil society, they also bring significant challenges, similar to those seen in arms races. As Freud might say if we laid on his couch: we are likely experiencing ambivalent emotions toward AI—and that’s entirely natural.

Due to growing concerns, how to govern AI is on the international agenda. As is often the case, the first legal regulation came from Europe. On September 5, 2024, the Council of Europe opened the "Council of Europe Framework Convention on Artificial Intelligence, Human Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law" for signature. Article 30 of the convention indicates that it is expected to enter into force in the near future. This is the first legally binding international treaty on AI. Its aim is to ensure that AI systems are fully compatible with human rights, democracy, and the rule of law throughout their lifecycle.

When the draft of the convention was first published, states were given broad exemptions regarding national security and defense, and there was no mention of the private sector—despite its leadership in AI development. In response, civil society organizations (CSOs) from Council of Europe member states, including STGM from Turkey, sent an open letter calling for equal inclusion of public and private sectors and for the rejection of broad national security exemptions. While there was no progress on national security, partial success was achieved regarding the private sector. Private companies developing AI are now included in the scope of the treaty when working on behalf of or in cooperation with the state. In its current form, the Framework Convention is not a tool to regulate technology at the pace of innovation, but rather a document reminding states to act within the bounds of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law when it comes to AI.

The impacts of AI on civil society are multidimensional. In his study titled "Artificial Intelligence and Civil Society," Özgür Kurtuluş demonstrates that the effects of AI are widespread. While AI may contribute to economic development, it also has the potential to increase unemployment and income inequality. Additional ethical risks include data privacy violations, algorithmic bias, cybersecurity threats, and the development of autonomous weapon systems.

AI's impact on civil society spans a broad range of areas: political decision-making, public participation, the balance between security and civil rights, bias and equality, and addressing social and environmental issues. Against this backdrop, the AI Action Summit held in Paris on February 10–11, 2025, concluded with a declaration: the "Inclusive and Sustainable AI for People and Planet Declaration" (Paris AI Declaration).

The declaration outlines six priority areas to overcome the challenges and seize the opportunities of AI:
(1) Accessibility (2) Openness, inclusiveness, transparency, ethics, safety, and reliability (3) Preventing market concentration and promoting innovation, industry vitality, and development (4) Positive impacts on labor markets and contribution to sustainable growth (5) Sustainability for people and the planet (6) International coordination and cooperation

However, as Özgür Kurtuluş points out in his evaluation of the summit, neither the United States nor the United Kingdom signed the Paris AI Declaration. This absence highlights the emerging divide among stakeholders following the summit. It is clear that as AI continues to develop and spread, its positive and negative impacts will become even more deeply felt in our everyday lives.

Migration and Displacement

In their article, Inés and Pousadela note that factors such as climate change and repression will drive migration, disproportionately affecting Global South countries that face funding challenges. In wealthier countries, migration is expected to result in harsher immigration policies and increased pressure on civil society, especially as activists face greater risks.

Today, the number of people on the move—fleeing war, repression, persecution, and inhumane living conditions, and knocking on the doors of the so-called "free" and "prosperous" societies of the West—exceeds 100 million. According to the UNHCR, in 2023, 117.3 million people were forcibly displaced due to persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations, and events seriously disturbing public order. It was predicted that this number would surpass 120 million in 2024, and unfortunately, that prediction came true.

One in every three refugees in the world is in Europe. According to official data, Turkey hosts the highest number of refugees in the world, with 3.6 million people. 73% of the world's refugees come from just five countries: Afghanistan, Syria, Venezuela, Ukraine, and Sudan. As mentioned earlier, opposition to migrants and refugees is a common theme in the policies of far-right populist parties, which are increasingly gaining power.

While there is growing debate on how to manage anti-immigrant and anti-refugee policies, in recent years these policies have directly harmed and stigmatized civil society organizations. In Turkey, although refugees and migrants are perceived as a problem, anti-immigrant sentiment is not as widespread as it is in European and North American countries. At least for now, two studies conducted in 2024 indicate that concerns about migrants and refugees are overshadowed by economic and unemployment issues.

In a survey by Asal Research, when respondents were asked "What is Turkey’s biggest problem?" 60% answered the economy, 9.5% said justice, and only 4.4% cited refugees. Similarly, in a survey by Ipsos, the economy ranked first with 85%, followed by natural disasters and politics, while migration was fourth with 4%. The attitude of Syrian refugees—who make up the majority of Turkey’s refugee population—toward voluntary return will become clearer over the next year in light of recent developments in Syria. Thus, it is difficult to make predictions for now.

However, it is increasingly clear that the "temporary protection regime" for Syrians in Turkey cannot be sustained indefinitely. The UNHCR’s three durable solutions must be put into action: (1) local integration, (2) resettlement to a third country (which corresponds to international protection in Turkish law), and (3) voluntary repatriation. Each of these options requires new policies and practices for Turkish CSOs working in the field of migration and refugee rights.

Crackdown on Rights

In the article where Andrew Firmin and Inés M. Pousadela assess the civil society trends of 2025, the eighth trend is titled "Crackdown on Rights." They note that women's and LGBTQI+ rights will come under continuous attack, fueled by disinformation and well-funded campaigns. Civil society efforts will focus on protecting existing gains and preventing setbacks, especially in regions vulnerable to external influences.

The marginalization of human rights and defenders, and their exposure to attacks by authoritarian leaders, is not new. However, the first shocking decision in 2025 came from the European Commission. On February 11, 2025, the Commission announced in its "2025 Work Programme" that it was withdrawing the directive on "equal treatment between persons irrespective of religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation" (COM(2008)426). The reason given was the lack of foreseeable agreement, blockage of the directive, and unlikelihood of further progress. The programme indicated that future work on equal treatment would focus on strategic documents rather than legal texts.

The European Network Against Racism (ENAR) described the Commission's decision as a serious setback that undermined years of difficult advocacy by equality networks working for the adoption of the directive. ENAR interpreted the withdrawal as a surrender to the growing influence of far-right decision-makers. The involvement of non-state actors in attacks on fundamental rights and freedoms further complicates the situation.

So-called anti-rights movements—sometimes referred to as "uncivil civil society"—primarily target four areas: women's rights, LGBTQI+ rights, children's rights, and migrant/refugee rights. These movements often align with populist far-right political parties. In 2021, under the coordination of the Women's Rights in Development Association, rights organizations came together to form the Observatory on the Universality of Rights (OURs) and mapped these anti-rights movements. These groups maintain international networks and conduct lobbying activities against human rights at the UN and European institutions. They are actively working to undermine fundamental rights and freedoms.

In Turkey, anti-rights movements are also highly active. Their first major achievement was Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. Currently, these movements have united under the platform called the "Great Family Platform." In addition to anti-LGBTQI+ rhetoric and organizing rallies, they recently launched a petition campaign against daytime television programs, claiming they harm family values. These developments signal that restrictions on rights-based organizations will likely continue. Therefore, the next major concern is the restriction of civic space.

Restricted Civic Spaces

The ninth trend discussed by Firmin and Pousadela focuses on the shrinking civic space. The authors stress that the fundamental freedoms necessary for civil society to function are increasingly under threat. CSOs are diverting their resources toward protecting activists rather than advancing rights, and these pressures are complicating efforts to address global challenges.

Once again, as in previous years, one of the greatest challenges facing civil society in 2025 will be the restriction of civic space. States are making contradictory decisions that undermine the very rights and freedoms they have pledged to respect, protect, and fulfill. Amid overlapping crises—climate change, economic downturns, armed conflicts, and natural disasters—international institutions like the UN are struggling to respond effectively. Civil society’s proposals to address these crises are often excluded from decision-making tables.

According to the Munich Security Conference 2025 report, the world is becoming increasingly polarized. Power is distributed among more actors with the capacity to influence global issues. Polarization—both between states and within domestic politics—is growing, making it harder to find common solutions. Leaders speaking at the Munich Security Conference largely confirmed this assessment. In fact, the conference generated new concerns as well. Particularly noteworthy were remarks by U.S. Vice President JD Vance on the AfD and the Ukraine crisis, and the strong reactions they provoked. These discussions deepened existing concerns about the future of the EU and NATO.

In this environment, funding for civil society is shrinking. This is not limited to USAID; European countries are also experiencing serious financial contraction, accompanied by legal restrictions. Limitations on the right to peaceful assembly and protest became especially apparent in Europe during demonstrations related to the situation in Palestine. CSOs worked to bring these restrictions to the attention of EU institutions, but many governments ignored their recommendations.

In Turkey, access to funding for CSOs is increasingly constrained, and numerous restrictions have been imposed on the right to assembly and protest. These issues are compounded by audits of associations and lawsuits for closure.

Another major issue in Turkey is public perception of CSOs. Following the February 6 earthquakes, the work of CSOs in the field helped improve public perception. However, their visibility remains low, and public trust in CSOs stands at just 36%. This reveals that in addition to legal and bureaucratic hurdles to gaining members and securing funding, CSOs in Turkey must also contend with societal prejudices.

But as the great poet Nazım Hikmet once said: “There is hope for humanity / one cannot live without hope.”

Hope

Despite all the challenges mentioned above, civil society continues to demonstrate resilience by using advocacy, litigation, and solidarity to confront transnational issues. In 2024, notable achievements included reforms to rape laws in the Czech Republic, emergency contraception access in Poland, and marriage equality legislation in Thailand and Greece.

Citizens defended democracy in countries like South Korea, Bangladesh, and Venezuela, while in Senegal, civil society prevented the postponement of elections. These positive developments were followed by environmental lawsuits in Ecuador, India, and Switzerland. In the Netherlands, civil society organizations successfully sued to halt arms sales to Israel.

In Serbia, the collapse of the concrete roof at Novi Sad train station on November 1, 2024, which killed 15 people, sparked massive public outrage. Protests forced Prime Minister Milos Vucevic to resign, but citizens were not satisfied. The demonstrations transformed into large-scale anti-corruption protests. Similarly, in Greece, the deadly train crash on the Athens–Thessaloniki line on February 28, 2023, which killed 57 people, remained fresh in public memory through 2025. In January 2025, the crash continued to spark mass protests, and by February 28, 2025, a general strike brought the country to a standstill as hundreds of thousands took to the streets.

In the United States, a judge temporarily halted former President Trump’s decision to dismiss USAID employees, following a union petition. Judge Carl Nichols stated that without judicial intervention, the unions would suffer “irreparable harm,” while the government would experience “zero harm.” Organizations such as the International Planned Parenthood Federation, ILGA-Europe, and Amnesty International released a joint statement calling on all individuals and activists to resist Trump’s anti-rights agenda. Human rights organizations like FIDH and REDRESS protested Trump's threat to sanction countries that comply with International Criminal Court (ICC) rulings. ICC President Tomoko Akane also joined the response, stating: “I call on everyone who shares the values enshrined in the Rome Statute to unite in defense of the Court—our 125 State Parties, civil society, and all nations of the world.”

In Turkey, the environmental movement has also achieved notable success. Villagers in Akbelen showed remarkable resistance to a planned mining operation. Nejla Işık, a symbolic leader of the movement, was elected head of İkizköy village in local elections. She was also featured on the “BBC 100 Women 2024” list, which highlights inspirational women from around the world. Legal victories supported grassroots movements in places like İkizdere, Artvin, and the Kaz Mountains. One such ruling came from Istanbul’s 5th Administrative Court, which annulled the “reserve area designation and environmental plan changes” for the Kanal Istanbul project. Additionally, on February 12, 2025, Turkey’s Court of Cassation upheld the acquittal of human rights defenders tried in the Büyükada case.

Despite all attacks, the women’s movement in Turkey has secured numerous victories. In 2024, the Hrant Dink Foundation awarded its annual international prize in memory of Hrant Dink to the Purple Roof Women's Shelter Foundation, which promotes collective empowerment and solidarity. During the “Lights” segment of the Hrant Dink Award ceremony, we once again witnessed that CSOs in Turkey—and across the world—continue to shine.

It’s also worth mentioning that civil society in 2024 did not forget about stray animals. Let us close this on a hopeful note by acknowledging the Saturday Mothers/People who search for their lost loved ones every week in Istanbul’s Galatasaray Square, and the academics who continue their protest in front of the rector’s office on Boğaziçi University’s South Campus for an autonomous and democratic university.

At this point, it seems fitting to leave the final word to Michel Foucault, whose reflections on power seem especially relevant: “Where there is power, there is resistance. Power produces resistance; it constantly calls for it; it enables it.”

Wishing you hope-filled resistance.